Bangladesh: How safe were Hindus under the Awami League?

Over the past couple of months, the student protest movement in Bangladesh that started to oppose quotas in government jobs swelled into a people’s movement that culminated in a full-scale uprising against the government led by Sheikh Hasina. On Monday, the prime minister fled the country, leaving Bangladesh rudderless.

But even after successfully overthrowing the regime, the bottled-up anger against the dictatorial Awami League government continues to spill out in violent episodes. This may not come as a complete surprise, since violence of some kind is the inevitable aftermath of any uprising. Bangladesh is no exception.

Consequently, we have witnessed the storming and ransacking of the Ganabhaban, the official residence of the prime minister, arson attacks on Awami League leaders’ homes, the vandalisation of public and government properties, and the destruction of statues murals, including those that depict Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding figure of Bangladesh.

One of the most disconcerting developments is the attacks on minorities, especially Hindus, in more than 27 districts. Hindus are the largest religious minority in Bangladesh, constituting around 8% of the population according to the 2022 census.

Many Hindus in Bangladesh have family in the Indian state of West Bengal. News of attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh have created tension among family and relatives in India, and many seem to believe that with the Awami League gone, radical Islamists have taken control over Bangladesh. In India, the Hindutva propaganda machinery within the sections of Indian media, along with various kinds of rumour and misinformation, has exacerbated this apprehension.

But why are the Hindus being targeted now?

There are two very different developments in this regard. While there have been attacks, there have also been several instances in which Muslims have sat guard in front of temples, churches and other places of worship. Most people do not wish to see violence and they do not wish their minority community brethren to come to any harm.

We also need to acknowledge that attacks happen and to understand why. There are three interrelated reasons for Hindus and Hindu religious institutions being targeted. First, there are no instances of revolutions without spillovers. Uprisings, unfortunately. include radical elements that threaten the original intention of the revolution.

The deliberate massacre of the protesting students by the Hasina government infused unprecedented sympathy for the students and transformed the agitation into a mass movement. As it expanded, contacts and networks of opposition parties such as Bangladesh Nationalist Party and radical Jamaat-e-Islami naturally joined in. Or perhaps they were always part of the movement.

Certainly, their networks and established leaders and activists were instrumental in the later stages of the uprising as evidenced by the fact that they were at the army general’s table talking about the country’s future a mere hour after Hasina had fled Bangladesh.

There is little doubt that sections of the Islamists, including Jamaat-e-Islami and Hefazat-e-Islam, and other far-right elements are trying to exploit the opportunity. This is a chance to reassert themselves as being engaged in political movements.

Second, while worrying reports are pouring in about attacks on Hindus, it is important to remember that most Hindus have long been in favour of the Awami League. They believe that it is more secular than the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, the country’s other large party. While only a few Hindus have secured important positions within the Awami League government, including as members of parliament, Hindus in general have come to be marked as a loyal Awami League support base.

Consequently, these Hindus are being targeted by sections of violent mob determined to exterminate anything remotely associated with the Awami League’s dictatorial regime.

Third, the Hindus as a group in Bangladesh are vulnerable, in the same way as many other groups are vulnerable: women, tribal, and the poor, those without networks. Although we do not know the background for the individual arson attacks, it is likely that individuals and groups with ambitions, grievances or schemes to take over land use the opportunity of lawlessness that has suddenly arisen to loot for the sake of loot, to intimidate landholders, including temple land, to settle old scores or simply to show who is the boss.

Right now, there is no police and, in many places, no real authority. Crimes are likely to go unpunished. Hindus in rich neighbourhoods are less likely to be targeted because they are protected by networks and wealth. But those who live in the outskirts or away from the metropolis are less fortunate.

Were Hindus safer during the Awami League regime?

A quick look at facts and reports suggests otherwise. Since assuming power in 2009, Awami League presided over a period marked by numerous incidents against vulnerable minority communities, particularly Hindus. According to Ain O Salish Kendra, over 3,710 incidents targeting Hindus were reported between January 2013 and September 2021, with many instances involving the complicity of Awami League leaders in acts of vandalism.

Rana Dasgupta, the General Secretary of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad, told the Daily Star, “It is unfortunate that the majority of grassroots leaders of the ruling Awami League are also seen joining them in the attacks.”

Land appropriation from marginalised Hindu communities has been particularly noticeable. In 2016, rights activists and leaders from the Hindu community confirmed that figures affiliated with the Awami League, including party members and ministers, were implicated in the illegal seizure of land belonging to community members.

At the time of writing, Bangladesh is constitutionally without a government, the police is in hiding and political authority is non-existent in much of the country. Individuals and groups will see this as an opportunity for gain or to settle grievances. But caution is warranted about reading this as an indication of a larger and darker political development in Bangladesh.

Niladri Chatterjee is a historian and researcher, University of Oslo, Norway.

Muhammad Asiful Basar is a PhD research fellow, University of Antwerp, Belgium.

Arild Engelsen Ruud is the Professor of South Asian Studies, University of Oslo, Norway.

The headline and strapline of this article have been updated.

Also read: After Hasina’s fall, Hindus in Bangladesh on edge